Few Nepali Landscapes

Bagmati River, Sundarijal

Kathmandu from Swyambhu

Thapathali

Thapathali

Deers, International Convention Centre

Bagmati River, Gokarna

Shivapuri

Mai Than, Bandipur

Bandipur

Afternoon Showers Over Swayambhu

Sinamangal

Valley Homes in Pictures and Kathmandu's Housing Bubble

The other day I spent few hours photographing at Terraces, property owned by Valley Homes in Sunakothi. My deepest gratitude to Dr. Maya Battachan and Dr. Saroj Baidya for arranging my access to the housing colony. Terraces is smaller in size compared to Civil Homes, but catered for higher end market (see my earlier blog entry on Kathmandu's Housing Colony Experience).

View from Dr. Baidya's rooftop

Unfinished property in Terraces

Bal Krishna Joshi on Kathmandu's Housing Bubble

I recently met my friend Bal Krishna Joshi, who is an innovative and an successful young entrepreneur based in Kathmandu. Thamel.com is his primary business, which caters to Nepalese in the diasporas. Below you will find an excerpt as he explains to me Kathmandu's failing housing economy, over lunch. 

Bal K Joshi

More than 40% of the Nepal's GDP is sustained by remittance. That’s a shit load of freaking money. If you look at the official numbers, they say it is 20%. But another 20% is coming through the informal channels. So 40% of the total GDP, which amounts to little bit over to four billion dollars per year is coming to this country as remittance. And there is not productive use of it. One sector of the remittance directly goes into daal bhat tarkari (typical Nepali staple of rice lentils and curry, in other words for feeding families). These are generally people who have gone abroad from the villages. But more than 40% of the incoming money is going into real estate. One is, we have a cultural stigma of buying a house and buying property.

And also during the insurgency (Maoist), everything but Kathmandu was not safe to live. So people started migrating here. There are two interesting shifts in this migration. In that migration, the early adopters were the people with money from the villages. These are the people who had houses and businesses outside of Kathmandu. But they wanted to something easy to manage, like apartments (condominiums). Once these people came from outside came, it became a very exaggerated economy. Believe it or not in this place (Durbar Marg) the market price for one anna (1 anna = 342.42 sq. feet, 16 annas = 1 ropani = 5,476 sq. feet) is Rs, 10 Karod (approximately US $ 1,130,000). It is not sustainable economy. It is completely exaggerated. That means it’s more expensive than freaking Manhattan. Doesn’t make sense.

And also during the insurgency, industries got closed and shut down. The core competent export industries got reduced. People did not have jobs. So what to do? So the thought of real estate was an easy option. So everybody starting investing in real estate. In the first lot, they started catering to the upper echelon, which is just a very small segment of Nepali society. But there was a whole different need that probably wanted to spend not more than Rs 20 lakhs (US $ 22,598). These are the middle class Nepalese people who wanted a Kathmandu gig. But that sector has been ignored. So most of the apartments that you see are catered to people with money. There are very few ones that are catered to the real market. So the issue now is, those who constructed properties early on, they got cheap loans. And they constructed a lot of housing properties. 

Three housing colonies sold well. Three housing colonies mean we are talking about less than 100 people. 100 consumers are not going to set precedence for the entire economy. The three colonies that did well were Lazimpat 1 by Comfort Homes, which got sold out within one or two hours. That was around 30 or 40 houses. They did Lazimpat 2, which sold within 3 or 4 hours. And they did Budhanilkantha, which sold in a month. So everybody thought OH WOW this is a great business idea. So basically, now the government decided they wouldn’t give any more loans for real estate. As soon as that happened, financing got stopped; there was cash crunch because all the money that was going into real estate, its interest rate went up to 16 to 18%. How can one buy home and pay off the loan with 16 or 18% interest rate? These people stopped making payments. Now we have this shit load of buildings that are not complete and probably will not be completed for the longest fucking time. So that is the situation.

My New Hero: Sapana Malla Pradhan

Sapana Malla Pradhan is regarded as one of the leading figures of Nepal’s Women’s movement. She is the Founding President of Centre for Women, Law and Development, an NGO dedicated to advocating for the removal of discriminatory laws against Nepali women. She was also a member of the Constituent Assembly representing Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist). The Peter and Patricia Gruber Foundation awarded her the Gruber International Women’s Right Award for advancing gender equality in 2008. Below is my interview with her, originally in Nepali.

What are some of the laws that discriminate against women in Nepal?

The reason we started Forum for Women, Law and Development (FWLD) is because, although we always worked for women’s rights, but the law itself was an obstruction. The justice system had many discriminatory laws. For example daughters did not have the right to parental property. Women did not have abortion rights. There was not an understanding of the concept that married women could be raped and abused. Even though polygamy was prohibited, its indictment was minimal. Child marriage laws were not effective. In divorce laws, women’s rights were not respected. Women were not allowed to go abroad as migrant workers. There were a lot of discriminatory laws against women, and we challenged each one of these in the court. Looking at the results, there are still three main discriminatory issues against women today. One is in regards to citizenship. Another is regarding inheritance of parental property. Married daughters may not own property, whereas unmarried daughters may, but must return it once married. Laws regarding marriage are still discriminatory. And there are still certain cases and circumstances in which polygamy is still allowed. Besides this, we identified 174 laws that were discriminatory to women and more than 100 of these laws have been rectified.

What is the issue regarding citizenship?

The law says that one can acquire citizenship via mother’s citizenship. However if a women is married to a foreigner, she has to be living in Nepal, her children have to be born in Nepal and the children have to be permanently living in Nepal in order for the children to get citizenship. In other words there is a big difference between being a male and female parent with regards to citizenship. Children of a male parent can be born anywhere. They can get married to anyone and they can live permanently anywhere. Hence the citizenship right of the children of Nepali mothers is highly circumscribed. With matrimonial law, if a Nepali woman is married to a foreigner, the husband cannot acquire Nepali citizenship. On the other hand, if a Nepali man is married to a foreigner, then she can acquire Nepali citizenship. Hence in regards to citizenship rights for Nepali women’s dependents, we have strayed away from the correct path.

What is the overall status of the Women’s rights movement in Nepal?

Well there is never an end to a movement. There is never complete fulfillment of rights. When one says movement, it does not have to be a Sadak (street) movement. A movement can take place inside one’s heart and it can also take place by speaking up. Our main movement (FWLD) works to change the system of discriminatory laws in Nepal by filing cases against the state in the court. We furthered our movement by presenting alternative wording when the state came up with policies. When discussing issues in parliament, we collaborate with political leaders and members of the parliament. We have also started social initiatives. I feel that there has been effective work done in Nepal. But definitely it is not enough. Yesterday we fought for the creation of legal rights. Today we need to fight to implement these legal rights in people’s day-to-day lives.

There are a lot of movements in Nepal such as the Janajati movement, Madesh movement and others. How do they affect the Women’s movement?

There is definitely a struggle for the recognition of identity in Nepal. In fact, this struggle exists throughout the world, and Nepal is not alone in this. Here the struggle of Madeshi and Janajati is also a struggle of identity due to marginalization, and the lack of political recognition. But the good news is with the issues related to women; women from different castes, women who speak different languages, women from different regions and women from different political parties are united and standing together. That is our strength.

How did you get involved in the Women’s movement? Were there any personal reasons or specific influences?

My educational background is in Corporate Law. I did my Masters in Comparative Law (MCL) in Delhi. I went to Italy to train in Corporate and Development Law. I also started working on Corporate Law, but many women would approach me for help with their difficulties. I would not be able to help most of these women due to biased and discriminatory laws. According to what I had understood and learned in law school, the law is the basis for justice, inclusion and equality. But in Nepal this was not possible. The law was itself a hindrance for justice and equality, in many instances. Therefore instead of staying in Corporate Law and making money, I decided to challenge the judicial system of Nepal. I felt like I needed to fight for equality. For these reasons, I decided to partake in this movement.

Related:

Subina Shrestha on Aljazeera on Banning of Nepali Women Workers in the Middle East

Some of Kathmandu's Road Expansion in Pictures

Here are some of Kathmandu's road expansion taken by my dinky Canon Powershot.

Kamalpokhari

Kamalpokhari

Bansbari

Bansbari

Between Chakrapath and Bansbari

Between Chakrapath and Bansbari

Between Chakrapath and Bansbari

Between Chakrapath and Bansbari

Narayan Gopal Chowk, Chakrapath

Maharajgunj

Gairi Dahra

Gairi Dahra

Conversation w/ Khagendra Shangraula

On July of 2012, I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. Khagendra Shangraula at his residence in Kathmandu. Mr. Shangraula is a very well known writer of fiction and non-fiction. He is equally noted for his political analysis. Below are some short excerpts from a longer conversion on a wide range of political issues in Nepal today. To listen to the entire conversation (in Nepali) visit http://chirb.it/Kae5Ls

Mr. Shangraula

The failure of the Constituent Assembly:

As glimpsed from the outside, the failure of the CA appears to be due to issues around “identity.” Or, identity-based Federalism. In reality, however, a conflict between federalism and anti-federalist forces is at the heart of all of this. The question of identity is only superficial, but the actual substance is Federalism itself. Certain forces seek recognition of identity; those who have been historically marginalized; those who have lost their land; and those whose culture and language have been suppressed seek federal provinces named based on population, language, geography and history. 

The present scenario:

There is a struggle between two forces: one side questions whether Nepal should become a federation, and the other seeks to maintain the status quo. Pertinent to this discussion is whether there should be equality and justice for all. Should Nepal finally address politically, the concerns of groups that have been historically marginalized? Nepal is still at a crossroads on these issues. The group that has enjoyed the privilege of power for an extended period does not want change. One side does not want Federalism. The other side will not be happy without it. That is the current conflict, in a nutshell. My own thoughts on this is that either Nepal will choose federalism and the marginalized groups and areas will get the justice they deserve. Failing this, Nepal will once more find itself at war. I cannot tell who will start the war, but the conflict could be between Hill vs. Terai or Janajati vs. Brahmins.

Guava tree in Mr. Shangraula's garden

The weakness of the Federalist forces:

The main weakness of the Federalist forces was they did not define very well what Federalism would look like according to the makeup of Nepali society. When Federalist forces started proposing names such as Limbuwan and Khambuwan, the anti-Federalists made it an issue and gave it the colour of ethnicity. (They said) in Limbuwan province Limbus would have hegemony. Similarly in Khumbuwan, Rais would etc. But in fact Nepal is a multicultural society and the country is composed of a diverse group of peoples. There is not one single group that makes up a majority. Once we go into Federalism, there will be elections. Let us take an example of the Limbuwan province. In an election the Limbus would themselves not be a majority. Hence, in order to form a government, there would have to be collaboration between different forces. Federalism has not been defined in that way. The Federalist forces did not make the abovementioned things clear and the anti-Federalist forces took advantage of this by claiming that it would lead to hegemonies of certain groups, with the country eventually breaking into pieces etc.

On anti-Federalist forces:

There are two kinds of anti-Federalist forces. One who sincerely believes that naming federal provinces based on identity could lead to instability. A second group is taking advantage of this first group’s sentiment and want to stop the entire process of Federalism.

The work required of the Federalist forces:

The Federalist forces have to explain what Federalism means to the general public. They have to explain that under Federalism all groups would have the right to vote and live freely. Otherwise it will be very difficult to implement such a system, because anti-Federalist forces are very strong. Examples include the judiciary system, the top brass of the Nepal Army, the majority of the governmental bureaucracy, and many other areas that are dominated by Bahun-Chhetris are all for the status quo. Hence there are strong forces against Federalism.

The Maoist-split:

The first effect of the Maoist split will be that their bargaining power will be reduced. Secondly, division will affect their morale. Thirdly, it will also depend upon what the Baidya faction will do. When the Baidya faction split, they said that they would take a revolutionary role. But looking at their activities after the split, they have not been doing what they said they would. They are roaming around Kathmandu. Sometimes they go to see the President. At other time, they are vandalising some education institutions to show their identity saying that they are different. If the peace process and the constitution process move ahead according to plan, then the Baidya faction cannot accomplish anything. If the peace and constitution process does not move forward, then the disaffected people might begin following the Baidya faction.

The Maoist insurgency lead to around 15,000 deaths, with many people still missing and many others scarred from bullets. Because of this the Nepali society is very tired. Just because you declare a war does not mean that people are going to follow in line to die for you. The biggest question among people is what would be the fruit of such a big sacrifice? Without people getting an answer to that question, there will not be another war.

For more info on related topics:

http://www.kantipuronline.com/2012/06/01/opinion/democratic-deficit/354879.html

http://www.kantipuronline.com/2012/06/20/opinion/the-radicals-strike-back/355853.html

http://www.ekantipur.com/2012/06/05/opinion/rudderless-drift/355086.html#.T81wSFIxNOk.facebook

http://www.kantipuronline.com/2012/06/26/opinion/invitation-to-a-deposing/356176.html#.T-nAfDP13t0.facebook

The Dhading Incident

Here’s a sad and shameful story. In Dhading district, there is a village called Mulkharka (Ward # 5) in Padi Village Development Committee. In Mulkaharka there is small dalit (untouchables) neighbourhood* of 10 houses. Mr. Ram Bahadur Sunwar, his wife, two sons and a daughter live in the neighbourhood. On the July 1^st (Ashad 17), Mr. Sunwar’s son Nawaraj Sunwar eloped with Samjhana Subedi of the same village Mulkharka. In the Hindus caste hierarchy Sunwar is the lowliest and Subedi the highest.

Mr. Ram Bahadur Sunwar

The village of Mulkharka primarily comprises of Subedi and Sapkota families, both of high caste. After the village found out the young couple had eloped, Mr. Suwar was asked by the bride’s family to find the young couple and bring them back to their respective homes. Obviously the bride’s family were distraught that their daughter eloped with a dalit. Mr. Sunwar and his family were verbally abused and threatened by the bride’s cousins Thakur Subedi and Ram Babu Subedi if the young couple were not found immediately, Mr. Sunwar and his family will be forced to leave the village.

At 8 pm on July 3rd, under the leadership of Krishna Bahadur Subedi and Ram Babu Subedi, both schoolteachers of the local High School*² and also relatives of the bride attacked the entire Dalit neighbourhood with approximately a group of 100 people. They beat people in the neighbourhood including school children and women with wooden rods and flashlight among other things. They vandalized property and abused them verbally. Mr. Sunwar’s wife was severely beaten with a wooden rod. Mr. Sunwar luckily escaped in nick of time from the attic window. Otherwise he would have been the main target of the mob.

Miss Rekha BK, Mr. Sunwar's relative addressing the press meet

The following day Mr. Sunwar went to the nearest police station, two hours walk away and filed a complaint. The Inspector in charge asked for the assailants’ cell phone numbers, which Mr. Sunwar did not have. The police have brushed aside the case and the assailants are still free and going about their daily routine. Mr. Sunwar has not returned home due to fear of attacks.

I briefly met Mr. Sunwar and few of his friends and relatives at press meet held yesterday at World Trade Centre in Kathmandu, which was organized by Dalit NGO Federation and several other dalit organizations. There were representatives for human rights groups and other organizations. According to the Dalit NGO Federation representatives, there have been many incidents like this all across Nepal.

* Just like many N. American neighbourhoods, Nepali villages are also segregated. Generally dalit neighbourhoods are situated in the less prosperous areas in terms land yield. You could consider these neighbourhoods the ‘ghetto’ of Nepali village landscape.

*² Dol Bhanjyang Ucchha Ma Bi